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Following the Spanish–American War, Americans took stock of their new territories and debated whether the United States should become an imperial power. As they had during Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, political cartoonists illustrated this public debate. Perhaps none of the cartoons published after the war were more pertinent than “School Begins,” which appeared in Puck on January 25, 1899.
The cartoon portrays Uncle Sam as a teacher standing behind a desk and scolding a group of new, unhappy students labeled “Philippines,” “Hawaii,” “Porto Rico” [sic], and “Cuba.” Behind them, students hold books titled California, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and Alaska. The blue book on Uncle Sam’s desk is titled U.S. First Lessons in Self-Government. The caption for this cartoon quotes Uncle Sam telling his new pupils, “Now, children, you’ve got to learn these lessons whether you want to or not! But just take a look at the class ahead of you, and remember that, in a little while, you will feel as glad to be here as they are!”
Note that the cartoon portrays certain groups being excluded from the day’s lesson. To the left, an African American boy cleans the window. Toward the back wall, a Native American child sits by himself, reading a book labeled ABC upside down. A Chinese boy stands outside the doorway, looking in.
Following the War of 1898, American imperialism was based on two key concepts. The first, the assumption of White, Anglo-Saxon racial superiority, is clearly depicted in the cartoon above. White Americans assumed that the White, Anglo-Saxon race and American values were superior to the people and values of the territories the United States had acquired. In accordance with the concept of “the White man’s burden,” the cartoon reinforces the idea that White Americans had a responsibility to mentor and uplift “backward” populations.
Another concept that impacted foreign policy during the Roosevelt and Taft administrations was unilateralism.
In the cartoon above, Uncle Sam teaches from a book titled U.S. First Lessons in Self-Government, which indicates that only the United States knew the proper path to civilization and governance for the inhabitants of its new territories. The presidents believed that the United States had the right—and an obligation—to enforce its interests in regions it deemed vital, particularly Latin America and the Pacific.
After the War of 1898 ended, the Philippines descended into violence. America’s empire in the Pacific was not yet secure.
Like the Cubans, many Filipinos desired independence. When it became clear that the United States wanted to use the Philippines for its own purposes, the Filipinos led by Emilio Aguinaldo fought back.
The Philippine–American War (known in the United States at the time as the “Philippine Insurrection”) began in 1899 when Filipino soldiers besieged American forces in the capital of Manila. Fighting over the next 3 years was brutal: Over 4,000 American and 20,000 Filipino combatants died. Press reports of atrocities toward Filipino civilians by American troops tarnished the nation’s image.
In 1901, President William McKinley appointed William Howard Taft as the civil governor of the Philippines. Under Taft’s leadership, Americans built a new transportation infrastructure, hospitals, and schools, in an attempt to win over the local population. Shortly thereafter, a joint Filipino–American force captured Aguinaldo, and most of the fighting ended by the summer of 1902.
President Theodore Roosevelt firmly believed in the superiority of White Americans and in the right of the United States to act unilaterally in the areas it controlled, particularly in Latin America. His foreign policy for that region was based on an African proverb: “Speak softly, and carry a big stick, and you will go far.”
Roosevelt’s “big stick” was the U.S. Navy. He devoted significant energy to the continued improvement of the Navy, increasing its budget to construct more battleships and enlist more sailors.
The crux of Roosevelt’s foreign policy was a thinly veiled threat. He believed that in light of the country’s recent military successes, it was unnecessary to use force to achieve foreign policy goals, so long as the military could credibly threaten force.
Roosevelt first applied this policy to begin the construction of a canal across Central America. The most strategic location for the canal was the 50-mile-wide isthmus of Panama, which, at the turn of the century, was part of Colombia. Roosevelt negotiated with the Colombian government, sometimes threatening to build the canal further north through Nicaragua. The Colombian government was unwilling to cede any land to the United States and argued that the proposed payments for the canal route were too low.
Roosevelt wielded the “big stick,” making it clear that he would support the Panamanian people in the event they revolted against Colombia and formed their own nation. When an uprising began in November 1903, Roosevelt sent American battleships to prevent Colombia from moving troops to Panama. He immediately recognized the new country and offered it $10 million, plus an annual $250,000 rental fee (the same terms he had offered to Colombia), to secure American access to the canal site.
Roosevelt’s conduct of negotiations with Colombia and his recognition of Panamanian independence sent a clear message to other countries in Central and South America. When problems erupted in the region, the United States would intervene to reestablish and maintain peace and stability. In 1904, the administration formalized its unilateral intentions by issuing the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine.
The Roosevelt Corollary was an extension of the Monroe Doctrine, enacted by President James Monroe in 1823.
The Roosevelt Corollary modified the Monroe Doctrine and reinforced Roosevelt’s “big stick” foreign policy by committing the United States to use military force “as an international police power” to maintain stability in the region and advance American interests.
Roosevelt immediately put the corollary to work. Later in 1904, he ordered American forces to invade the Dominican Republic, which had not paid its debts to American and European investors. In 1906, Roosevelt sent troops to Cuba to maintain order, following a disputed election.
Additional Resource
Visit the Theodore Roosevelt Center: over 200 digitized primary sources related to Theodore Roosevelt and the acquisition of the Panama Canal Zone.
William Howard Taft succeeded Roosevelt as president in 1909, he combined Roosevelt’s “big stick” policy with one that became known as “dollar diplomacy.”
In a departure from Roosevelt’s foreign policy, Taft (pictured below) announced his intention to “substitute dollars for bullets” when securing markets and opportunities for American businessmen.
Like the “big stick,” Taft’s use of America’s economic clout coerced countries, including many in Latin America, to enter agreements that benefited the United States.
Of key interest to Taft were the debts that Nicaragua and other Latin American nations owed to European countries. To allay fears that European countries might intervene in Latin America to collect the money owed to them, the Taft administration offered to pay their debts in American dollars. Not all Latin American nations approved of this solution, as it would make them indebted to the United States.
When Nicaragua refused American loans to pay its debts and threatened to invade nearby El Salvador in 1909, Taft sent in U.S. Marines. American forces occupied Nicaragua until 1933, indicating that the Taft administration would resort to bullets when economic coercion did not produce desired results.
U.S. involvement in the Philippines and Latin America during the Progressive Era revealed important changes in foreign policy that contributed to the rise of the United States as an economic and military power.
Regardless of whether it was called “big stick” or “dollar diplomacy,” a new form of American diplomacy emerged during the Progressive Era. The United States was confident in its superiority and ability to act unilaterally to end disputes and protect its interests. Depictions of the United States as the world’s policeman were common in the political cartoons of the era.
The cartoon above, from January 1905, shows President Roosevelt as a police chief standing before the people of Europe, Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Folded in Roosevelt’s belt and arms are papers labeled “Tell Your Troubles to the Policeman” and “Arbitration.” The president’s baton is labeled “The New Diplomacy”. Below the president stand people from all over the world. Some of them carry papers labeled “Controversy” or “Dispute” and appear to want the United States to help them. Others, particularly the figures on the lower left, representing Latin America (and one carrying a rifle, representing the Philippines), cower beneath Roosevelt’s “big stick”—indicating that these groups bore the brunt of the “new diplomacy” of the Progressive Era.
Source: This tutorial curated and/or authored by Matthew Pearce, Ph.D with content adapted from Openstax “U.S. History”. access for free at openstax.org/details/books/us-history LICENSE: CREATIVE COMMONS ATTRIBUTION 4.0 INTERNATIONAL